Before the revolution Bolsheviks had no define policy in regard to sexuality. The "sex issue" was for them mainly economic and sociopolitical and essentially boiled down to the problem of emancipating women and overcoming gender inequality. Sexuality was mentioned only in passing, especially in relation to the family. Soviet legislation and social policy on issues of marriage and procreation in the 1920s were the most daringly progressive in the world. As early as 1918, women were accorded full equal rights with men in all and privet areas, including marriage and family relations. Women had the right to choose their surname, place of residence, and social status. Their involvement in productive labor was supposed to ensure them economic independence of men. If they became pregnant, they were entitled to paid holidays. To relieve women of onerous "domestic servitude". the state began to set up a system of creches, nurseries, and communal food supplies. Medical service for mothers and children was expanded and improved and became entirely free. Unfortunately, the realities of life that confronted the Bolsheviks immediately after revolution were much more difficult than they had anticipated. Many of the splendid beginnings of equality were impossible to carry forward in the midst of economic ruin, poverty, and lack of culture; these plans had to be put on the back burner for time. And the costs associated with the subsequent breakdown in marriage and family patterns - unwanted pregnancies, fatherless children, prostitution, the spread of venereal diseases - were great and provoked mounting concern. The disintegration of marriage and family had very serious social consequences. From 1912 to the 1920s, the number of divorces per thousand people increased sevenfold. Ecclesiastical marriage lost its moral and legal significance, and many people did not take civilly sanctioned marriages seriously. Some convinced Communists believed the institution of marriage was altogether unnecessary. The parents of a friend of mine, who had lived together happily and faithfully for more than 50 years - their entire lives - registered their marriage only in the mid-1980s, simultaneous with the marriage of a grandson (who has since had two divorces). And they did so only for practical reason. But not all de facto marriages were so stable. As might be expected, women suffered the most. There was even a joke: in sexual relationships, the third correlate of liberty and equality was not fraternity but maternity.Under the circumstances, the authorities had to do something. One such unpleasant but necessary measure was the legalization of induced abortion. Ideologically, the Soviet state was oriented from the start on a pronatal policy, favoring a high birthrate, and it did all it could to protect the life and health of mother and child. Nevertheless, in 1920, the Soviet government was the first in Europe to legalize abortion.Given the undeniable fact of impending economic ruin, the real choice was not between abortion or promotion of high birthrate, but bettween legal and relatively safe abortion and illegal and dangerous abortion - in Moscow in the 1020s, the risk of dying of infection as a result of an abortion was 60 to 120 times higher than the risk of death while giving birth.Legalization of abortion was risky decision, yet it seemed to be the right one. Although the number of induced abortions sharply rose after their legalization - according to some figures, they tripled; if we are to credit the local medical statistics, in 1924 abortions amounted to half the total number of live births in Leningrad, and to 43% in one Moscow clinic - the number of nonhospital abortions sharply fell. So the articulated goal had been archivedBut the number of abortions continued to grow.Another concern was the rise in the incidence of venereal disease and prostitution. According to a survey of patients carried out in 1925 at the Second Moscow Venerealogical Clinic, as many as 45% of the men and 81% of the women had no knowledge whatsoever of the nature of and treatment for sexually transmitted disease. What is more, the source of between 54% and 88% of all cases could be traced back to prostitution. Premarital and extramarital sex was very common among young workers and students. Many of them were skeptical about marriage and the family, saying they did not believe in romantic love, and every tenth male student was in favor of “free love”Ethical and aesthetic standards as seen in early mass Soviet literature were equally contradictory.Bolshevism abolished, on the one hand, God, ecclesiastical marriage, and absolute moral values, and, on the other, the individual’s right to personal self-determination and love that might stand higher than all social duties. Now Bolshevism was helpless in the face of ethical relativism. Ultimately, the Bolshevism had two alternative strategies in regard to sexuality: acceptance or suppression.The first, more liberal, viewpoint was formulated by Alexandra Kollontay in her 1923 sensation-making article, “Make Way for Winged Eros!” Kollonty by no means dismissed or denounced the serious nature of love relationships. On the contrary, she opposed “sexual fetishism” and “hedonism”, contemptuously labeling the casual relations of the civil was period as merely manifestation of the sex instinct unworthy of a Bolshevik. Even this thoroughly moral viewpoint, however, provoked numerous attacks on her. Her viewpoint was too radical for the communists and more over contradictory the political suitability.The second, more rigid, and dogmatic stance on sexuality was taken by Aron Zalkind, the author of the popular books “Youth and Revolution” (1924), Sexual Fetishism: A Review of Sex Questions” (1925), and “The Sex Issue in Soviet Social Conditions” (1926). Zalkind admitted the existence of a biological sexual drive in human beings and the harm of “sexual self-corking.” At the same time. However, he proposed wholesale subordination of sexuality to the proletariat’s class interests. What follows is summary of his “Twelve Sexual Commandments for the Revolutionary Proletariat”:Sexual life is permissible only so far as it encourages the growth of collective feelings, class organization, creative endeavor in work and military activity… Because the proletariat and the laboring masses economically allied to it comprise the main bulk of the proletariat, revolutionary expedience is thereby the best biological expedience, the greatest biological blessing…12. In the interest of revolutionary expedience, the class has the right to interfere in the sexual life of its members. The sexual must be subordinate in everything to the class, in no way hampering it, and serving it in all it does… Hence, all those elements of sexual life that harm the establishment of a healthy revolutionary new generation, which rob class energy, let class joys rot, or spoil intra-class relations, must be mercilessly swept away from class practice.
A woman touched Nadya's sleeve.- Dear! It was easy to love in 19th century. Did the Decemberists' wives accomplish a feat? Really? Did a personnel office summon them to complete a questionnaire? Did they need to hide their marriage as a contagion not to be dismissed from their job and to loose five hundred rubles per months? Were they boycotted in a communal apartment? Did people near a water pump hissed at them that they were enemies of nation? Did their mothers and sisters urge them to have a common sense and divorce their husbands? Oh, quite the contrary! They were accompanied with a murmur of admiration from elite society. They graciously presented the legends about their feats to the poets. Leaving for Siberia in their expensive carriages they did not loose the pitiable nine square metres of their last dwelling place along with Moscow registration, and they did not think of such little nothings as the sullied employee records... a small boxroom, no any pot and no black bread either!...
A turn towards sharp deerotization of the soviet society on the basis of ideology began at the turn of 1920s and 1930s. The maxims by a chief of the Women Department of The Organizational Bureau of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union P. Vinogradskaya, who insisted that unwarranted attention to the gender issue can weaken the fighting efficiency of the proletarian mass, were praised along with "12 commandments" by A. Zalkind (a doctor of a Communist party as he was named at that time) , who advocated the right of the ruling class to interfere in sexual life of its members.In the middle of the 1930s the soviet people's intimate sexual life was proved to be politicized to the limit. The discussions about sexual problems despaired from the magazines’ pages. It became a rare case to see a frivolously dressed woman on the streets and even a basically frivolously decorated shop window. Such stories as a story that happened in March of 1937 at the factory “Krasny Treugolnik” (“Red Triangle”) when the Komsomol Bureau (or organization of "Communist Union of Youth") expelled a young metalworker from its ranks because he had a relationship with two women, became a “norm of life”. The new socialistic asceticism was encouraged in every possible way by the power-holding and ideological structures. From 1937 the dramas of everyday life could be exaggerated to the “celebrated case” scale. In 1938 the newspaper “Komsomolskaya Pravda” (Komsomol truth) reported that “the enemies of the Soviet nation did a lot cultivating the bourgeois views on love and marriage in young people demoralizing them politically.” Premarital sexual relations were considered “a unwholesome capitalistic way of life”. Even a fact of official divorce put a mark of disgrace on a member of the Komsomol or Communist party (if it was not a political devorce).
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